PAGE SEVEN CAPS MAT STAR AND WAVE - I 111 "

SUNDERS OF THE ADMINISTRATION I V Wilson His Failed In Foreign and Domestic Policies. ROOT SHOWS HIS ERRORS. : i fttoflrssi *• Temporary Chairman of Nm York Republican Convention. Points Out 8ins of Democratic Com- ; mission and Omission— "We Have J Lost Influence Because We Have I " Been Brave In Words and Irresolute I In Action." In his address as temporary chairman of the New York state Republican eonvention. delivered In Carnegie .Hall. New York, the Hon. Elihu Root said: We are entering npon a contest for ■ the election of a president and the control of government under conditions essentially new in the experience of * ear party and of our country. The ' •arms and methods which we are ; about to follow are old and familiar. But the grounds for action, the demand 1 of great events for decision npon na j tional conduct, the moral forces urg tog to a solution of vaguely outiin j ed questions, the tremendous con aeqoences of wisdom or folly in nation ' al policy, all these are new to the great ' 'mass of American voters now living, v _ [ Merer since 1864 has an election been ' fraught with consequences so vital to 1 national life. Ail the ordinary consid- ' orations which play se great a part in 1 oar presidential campaigns are and 1 aught to be dwarfed into insignificance 1 Democratic Party to the Bar. j For tb< , first time in twenty years we , outer the field as the party of opposi , tfan. and Indeed If la a much longer j dfcae. fog In 1896. In all respects save , Iks tariff, the real opposition to the Bnrdy »nd patriotic course of Presl 4Mtt Cleveland was to be found Ln the jortj that followed Mr. Bryan. It Is J (■r, fluty as the opposition to bring the ] ^ jHsiiin i ntlc party to the bar of public Jsogtoent, to put it npon its defense •o far as we see Jnst and snbstantial J grounds to criticise its conduct and to MB the voters of the country to decide J whether that party, organized as it is. represented as it hgr-.been since it ' «june into power, has shown itself J competent to govern the country as it should be governed and whether Its ■pirlt. its policies, and its performance . >. are the- best that the American people can do ln the "Wgy of popular self gov ^ / In the field of -domestic affairs some ! facts relevant to these questions had , already been ascertained when ln„Aufwt 1914, the great European war , Megan. During the year and a half of , Democratic control of government ln • period of profound peace there had " Been a steady decrease ln American ' production, in exports and in revenues c and a steady increase ln Imports and f expenditures. Enterprise had halted The Democratic tariff had been framed J upon an avowed repudiation of all pro tectiaa. however moderate affd reason r able, and because all protection Was 1 repudiated practically all Information > a from competent witnesses as to the ef I * feet new provisions would have upon | J Business was rejected. It was with i Just cause that the enterprise of the j J country halted, timid and irresolute. 7 because it felt and feared the hostility of government. Foreign Competition After War. I a The great war has not changed the j e lesson which we had already learned j j, when It began. It has but obscured i j) further demonstration. It has caused 1 ^ an enormous demand for some things ! p which the United States is able to pro- j e duce ln large quantities, and in these ! „ lines of production, while other Indus : c tries still languish, there have been ex • i tl tensive employment of labor, great ex y ports and a great Influx of money n But this is temporary. It must soon p cease, and when the factories have J ouu „ utu uie lactones unve

■topped and their laborers are iio longer employed we must deal with u aituatlou for which wise forethought should make provision. More Important still, the war has paralyzed the peaceful Industries of all Europe and has stopped that competitive foreign production which ln July. 1914. bad al ready entered American markets to . supersede American products under the tariff law of 1913. The war has thus given to American products an Immunity from competition far more effective than any possible protective tariff. But that Is temporary, and when the war Is over, when foreign production begins again, the American market compared with impoverished Europe will be more than ever before the object of desire and effort, and we shall become the dumping ground of j the world to the destruction of our own Industries unless that is prevented ' by a wise and competent government How Can Mo Defend Ourselves? j But it is no* from domestic questions that the most difficult problems of this day arise- The events of the last few years have taught us many lessons. We- have learned that civilian tlon is but a veneer thinly covering the ' savage nature of uian. How can this nation, which loves peace and intends Justice, avoid the curse of militarism and at the same time preserve its independence. defend its territory, protect the lives and liberty and property of Its citizens"; Uow can we prevent the same principles of action, the policies of conduct, the aaroc

forces of military power which an amhibltad to Europe from laying hold upon the vast territory and practically i undefended wealth of the new world} Have we still national ideals! Will anybody live for them? Would anybody die for them? Or are we all for ease" and comfort and wealth at any price? Confronted by such questions . as these and the practical sltnations which give rise to them. Is the country satisfied to trust itself again in the hands of the Democratic party? Impotent Inteference In Mexico. The United States had rights and duties ln Mexico. More than 40,000 of our citizens had sought their fortunes i and made their homes there. A thousand millions of American capital been invested in that productive conn i , try. But revolution had come, and factional warfare was rife. Americans I had been murdered. American proper- ' ty had been wantonly destroyed? the Uvea and property of all Americans ln 1 Mexico were In danger. That was the 1 situation when Mr. Wilson became 1 Btfjpldene In- March. 1913. His duty ' then" was plain. It was. first, to use his powers as -president to secure pro- | tection for the lives and property of 1 American In Mexico and to require 1 that rates of law and stipulations of 1 treatiewshould be observed by Mexico 1 toward the United Slates and ita clti- ' mens. His duty was. second, as the j heed of a foreign power to respect the ( Independence of Mexico, to refrain from all interference wjyi her Internal affairs, from all attempt at domlna- ( tlon except ns lie was Justifies! by the j ( law of nations for the protection of I ( American rights. The president of the | United Slates failed to observe either I of those duties. He deliberately abandoned tbem both and followed an en- I 1 tirely different and Inconsistent pur- j 1 He Intervened in Mexico to aid j 1 faction in civil strife against an j 1 other. He undertook to pull down I ' Huerta and set Carranza up ln his ' place. Arms and munitions of war were freely furnished to the northern 1 forces and withheld; from Hnerta. ' the president sent our army and navy to Invade Mexico and captore Its great seaport. Vera Cruz.- and it and throttle Mexican commerce until Hnerta fell- ^ Americana Outraged In Mexloo. , The government of the United 8tates Intervened ln Mexico to control the in tarnal affairs of that independent <»un j try and to enforce the will of the , American president ln those affairs by , threat, by economic pressure and by ( farce of arms. Upon what claim of j right did this intervention proceed? j Mot to secure respect for American rights, not to protect the Uvea or prop- , arty of our citizens, not to assert the ( laws of nations, not to compel, observ ( ance Of the law of humanity. On the J contrary. Huerta's was the only power , Mexico to which appeal could be , made for protection of life or property ( was the only powfr which, ln t did protect either American or t European or Mexican. It was only f within the territory where Huerta , ruled that comparative peace and or- J der prevailed. The territory over which the armed power of Carranza and Villa and their associates extended the theater of the most appalling * crimes Bands of robbers roved the country with unbridled license. Amer j leans and Mexicans alike were at their j mercy, and American men were mur i tiered and American women were out j J raged with impunity. Thousands were i • reduced to poverty by the wanton de- I struction of the Industries through I 1 which they lived. Yet the government 8 I of the United States ignored, con- j 1 ' doned. the murder of Amerlcau men T ■ and the rape of American women and j destruction of American properly and | Insult to American officers and defile- s I ment of the Amerlcau flag and Joined li i Itself to the men who were guilty of p ! all these things to pull down the pow u j of Huerta. Why? The president t i has told us. It was because' jj adjudges) Huerta to lie n usurper. e be leemed that the i-omhron p ' people of Mexico ought to have great j, participation ln government and j, : share In the fluid, and be believes) thai j, and Villa would give tbem 1 a i things. We must all sympathize n ' with these sentiments, but there Is ' . nothing more dangerous than mis l j, placed sentimentWhen our army landed at Vera Cruz n

n Carranza himself, who was to be the | u 1 chief beneficiary of the act, publicly t protested against 1L So strong was the resentment that he could not have e kept his followers otherwise. When i Hnerta had fallen the new government a which for the day had succeeded t« his place peremptorily demanded tli< 0 withdrawal of the American troops i r The universal sentiment of Mexicans I s | required the peremptory demand, an l ■ 'the troops were withdrawn. Si ill e i worse than that, she taking of Vera e i Cruz destroyed confidence in the sin j 1 j cerity of the Amcrik-aii government In i j Mexico, because every intelligent man ] i ! in Mexico believed that the avowed j i j reason for the act was not the real I p i reason. The avowed purpose was t" ! p ! compel a salute to the American tl^g. j t ] Tffree hundred Mexicans were rep- rt L r ed killed: seventeen United States ma ™ 1 rines were killed .-Mid many » ere I I wounded. ^tb:-t very time Mr. I'.i-j j signing treaties v.dth half the world n agreeing that If any controversy shpttld ? arise It should !*• submitted to a joint taken until after a full year had claps i .• j ed. This controversy, slight as it was. > > arose on tbe.'jih of April, and on the ■ s 21st of the same month Vera Crux i was taken. With the occupation of Vera Crnz the moral power of the - United States in Mexico epded. Wo : - were then and we are rwir hated for : what we did to Mexico, and we were i then and we ore now despised for onr ■ feeble and irresolute failure to protect

mo tittle worth the claiming In Mexico am ouxa. And that la why we have failed to Mexico. Policy of "Watchful Waiting." Incredible as H seems. Huerta bad been turned out by the assistance of the American government without any guaranties from the men who were to be net up ip his place, and so the. zunr ' daring and burning and ravishing have gone on to this day. After Huerta had fallen and the Vera Cri» cxpedl I tlon bad been withdrawn President I Wilson announced that no one was i entitled to interfere in the affairs of i Mexico; that she was entitled to settle ' them herself. He disclaims all re spon slbll! ty for what happens in Mex ico and contents himself with a pol < icy of watchful waiting. And for the death and outrage, the suffering and : ruin of our own brethren, the hatred : and contempt for oar country and the dishonor of onr name in that land the administration at' Washington shares responsibility with the inhnman brutes with whom it made common cause. | When we turn tp the admtolstru Hob's conduct of foreign affairs, incl dant to the great war ln Europe we canDot fall to perceive that tjjere is much dissatisfaction among Amerl- j cans. Dissatisfaction is not in itself ! ground for condemnation. The situ j ation created by the war has been dlffl ' cult and trying. Much of the corre ! spondence of the state department especially Since Mr. Lansing took | I charge, has been characterized by ac ' j curate learning nnd skillful statement 1 I of apcclflc American rights. I Throe Errors In European Policy. A study of the administration's pol- j i icy toward Europe since July, 1914. | : reveals three fundamental errors: First | : I the lack of foresight to make timely | : | provision for backing up American d! | | plomacy by actual or nssured military | i and naVal force; second, the forfei- i tare of the world's respect for onr as I i oertion of rights by pursuing the policy ; of making threats and failing to make i them good; third, a loss of the moral i forces of the civilized world through \ failure to truly Interpret to the world | the spirit of the American democracy | ln ita attitude toward the terrible events which accompanied the early stages of this war. " V j First, as tp power: , Wfcgi Qw wirto Europe began, tree. ] peaceable little Switzerland Instantly i nwtthzed qpap her frontier a great , army of trained citizen soldleTs. Btur- , dy little Holland did the same, and 4 both have kept their territory and their j . | Great, peaceable America was farther , removed from the conflict, but her . tUSa and I»ef citizens traVeled'cn. «v 1 ery eea. Ordinary knowledge of European affairs made It plain ths} the was begun not by accident, but with purpose which would not soon be 1 relinquished. Ordinary knowledge of 1 military events made it plain from the 1 moment wfiep the tifle of German leva 1 slon turned" rrom tfie battle of the J that the conflict was certain to 1 be long nnd desperate. Ordinary know! ' edge of history— of our own history 1 daring the Napoleonic wars— made It 1 plain that ln that conflict neutral rights ' would be worthless unless powerfully 1 1 maintained i The Democratic government at Wash ' | ington did not see It. Others saw it. * I and their opinions found voice. Mr ' 1 Gardner urged it Mr. Lodge urged It 1 I Mr. Stimsou urged it Mr. Roosevelt 1 urged It. but their argument and ur- * were ascribed to political mo * tives. and the president described them I with a sneer as nervous and excited ' Wilson Has Shifted Ground. ' But the wanting voices would not be * stilled. The opinion that we ought no ] . to remain defenseless became : . public opinion. . Its expression grew , general and insistent and finalh | the president, not leading, but follow , bus shifted bis ground, has revere ed his position and asks the country to 1 j against war. God grant thai be not too late. But the Democrat ' , party lias not shifted its ground A | £ part of its members in congress | £ are eudeavi-riug now to sidetrack tin | movement for national prepuredues.- j mtidd'c It by amendment and turn I into channels which will produce tl: J least possible result In the Increase of * least possn ie result in Uie Increase or :

- national power of defense. What j sense of effectiveness in this effort can I we gather from the presence of Jose pbus Daniels at the most critical post of all— the head of the navy depart ment— when we see that where J preparation has been possible It has not been made, when we see that conj struction of warships alreadv authorj ized has uot been pressed and hi ooxic j cases after long delay has not even j been begun? j If an Increase of our country's power j to defend itself against aggression i- i j authorized by the present cotigre-'s It I j must be largely through Republican | . votes, because ail the traditions and 1 j convictions of that party are for ua 1 tional power nnd duty and honor. | As to the poller of threatening word- j (without deeds:," When Germany gave notice of hei | ! purpose to -in': merchant vessels ,.i, : ! the*l|ipli seas wit lion t safeguarding the i Uves of innocent passengers our gov i eminent on the bull of February "tie j year ago informed Germffftyju unubSyf ta table terms that in attacking and sinking" vessels of the United S.ates and in destroying the lives of Amerinsi I citizens lawfully traveling uikui lucr chant vessels of other countries shwould act at her peril. They pled red the power and courage of America, with her hundred million people and , vast wealth, to the protection of her citizens, as during all her history through the days of her youth and Weakness she bad protected them. On tile 28th of March the passenge:

. cntom was killed, but nothing was done. On tte 28th of April the Amer lean veoael Cashing was attacked and crippled by a German aeroplane. Ou the 1st -at May the American vessel Gul flight was torpedoed and sunk by a German submarine and two or more , Americana were killed, yet nothing was d are On the Tth of Mgy the Lurita nia was torpedoed and sunk by a <Sertnan submarine and more than 100 Americana and 1,100 other noncom batants ware drowned. The very thing 1 1 which our government had waruel ; Germany she tauat not do. Germany did of set purpose and in the most con temptuoaj and shocking way. Then, when all America was stirred to the depths, our government addressed uu other note to Germany. It repeated Ita assertion of American rights and renewed Its bold declaration of pur ' pose. It declared again that the Amer lean government "must hold the Imperial German government to a strict accountability for any infringement of those rights. Intentional or incidental," and It declared that It would not "omit any word- or any apt necessary to the performance of Its sacred duty of main : talning tile rights of the United States j and ItB citizens and of safeguarding ; their free exercise and enjoyment." j Still nothing was done and a long and technical corresjiondence ensued. ; haggling over petty questions of dt- ; tail, every American note growing less - and less strong and peremptory until i the Arabic was torpedoed and sunk , and more American lives were destroyed. n ud 'still nothing was done, and the correspondence continued until, the | allied defense against German subnia- ' I rine warfare made it unprofitable and I to Ita abandonment, and the correspoudence is apparently approaching | its end without securing even that par- ■ I tlal protection for the future which I might be found ln an admission that I the destruction of the Lusitania was forbidden by law. The later correspondence has been conducted by our state department with dignity, but it haff been futile. An admission of liafor damages has been secured, the time for real protection to American rights has long since passed. The brwve worfla with which we began the cootrovei-sy had produced no effect, because they were read In the light of two fl&radrd&jLxy events. One was the report of the Austrian aptwsaado*. Dumfes, tfc his gov erumeut that when the American note «r F«J». 10 km weeljiefl he aaked (be eecretary of etate. Mr. Bryin, whether pot. but wsj intended fbr effort at home to America. "Too Proud to Fight." 1 The other event was the strange and unfortunate declaration of the president In a public speech ln Philadelphia ; the fourth day after the sinking of the Lusitania that "a man may be too Whatever the A us ' trian ambassador was In fact told by the secretary of 6tate. the impression which he reported was supported by the events which followed. Whatever 1 the president did mean, bis declaration, made in public at that solemn time ' amid the horror and mourning of all people over the murder of their , children, was accepted the world ovei j as presenting the attitude of the Aiaer ; lean government toward the protection 1 of the life and liberty of American citizens ln the exercise of their Just | rights, and throughout the world the 1 phrase "too proud to fight" became a t byword of derision and contempt for 1 the government of the United States. ] Later, in another theater of war — the I | Austria, and perhaps 1 1 Turkey alao, resumed the practice 1 | The Ancona and then the Persia were 1 I destroyed, and more Americans were 1 | Why should they not resume ' | the practice? They had learned to be- ' I lieve that, no matter how shocked the ' 1 American government might be. Its 1 1 resolution would expend Itself ln 1 | words They had learned to believe I that it was safe to kill Americans, and 1 the world believed with them. 1 Shaking Flat and Fingar. No tnnn ahould draw a pistol who ( lares not shoot. The government that , shakes its fist first and Its finger after- . lf suaaea its nst mst ana its anger aiier-

ward falls Into contempt. Our dlplo macy has lost its authority and Influ- . ance because we have been brave in , wards and irresolute In action. Men ! may say that the words of our dlplo t made notes were Justified; men may s «aj that our inaction was Justified, but no man can say that both were wise . and creditable. p I have said that this government lost the moral forces of the world by not truly interpreting the spirit of the American democracy. The American democracy stands for : something more than beef and cotton ( and grain and manufactures; stands " 1 for something that cannot be measured j by rates of exchange and does not rise or fall with the balance of trade- The 1 American people, Informed by their 1 own experience that is confirmed by ; their observation of International life. ' I have come to see that the Independence ' j of nations, the liberty of their peoples. '• | Justice and humanity cannot be main | ! tnjriod upon the complaisance, the good I " | nature, the kindly feeling of the strong I X toward the weak : that real indepeud , ' lence. real liberty, cannot rest upon suf | s j ferance: that iieuce and liberty can be ' , ' preserved only by the authority ami | observance of rules of national con |- duct founded upon the principles ol j ' Justice and humanity; only by the cs : tablishmcnt of law among nations, re I , 1 sp'onsive to the enlightened public opto I j Ion of mankind. To them liberty 1 1 means not liberty for themselves alone. 1 1 ' but for all who are oppressed. Justice 1 1 means not Justice for themselves 1 ■ alone, but a shield for ^1 who are J 1

world was to remain silent upon that. 1 neutral upon that, then all talk about j peace and Justice and International law ' and the rights of man. the progress of humanity and the spread of liberty is | Idle patter, mere weak sentimentality; j then opinion is powertnM mod brute j , force rules and will rule the world. If ; no difference Is recognized between i right and wrong then there are no , moral standards. There come times ln j the lives of nations as of men when to ' treat wrong as lf It were right is tree- 1 eon to the right The Wrong Done to Belgium. The American people were entitled ! not merely fo feel, bnt to speak con- j cerning the wrong done to Belgium. It was not like Interference ln the in- I ternal affairs of Mexico or any other ' nation, for this was an international wrong. The law protecting Belgium which was violated was our law and the law of every other civilized country. That law was the protection of our i>caee and security. It was our safeguard against the necessity of maintaining great armaments and wasting our substance ln continual readiness for war. Moreover, that law was written into a solemn and formal convention, signed and ratified by Germany and Belgium and France and the United States ln which those other countries agreed with us that the law should be ol oerved. There was no question here of Interfering in the quarrels of Europe. We had a right to !>e neutral, and we were neutral as to the quarrel between. Germany and Frahce. but when as an Incident to the prosecution of that quarrel Germany broke the law which we were entitled to have preserved and which she had agreed with us to preserve we were entitled to be heard ln the assertion of our own national right ' ' t Neutral Between Right and Wrongl Yet the American government acquiesced ln the treatment of Belgium and the destruction of the law of nations. Without one word of objection or dissent to the repudiation of law or the breach of our treaty or the violation of Justice and humanity ln the treatment of Belgium our government enjoined upon the people of the United States an nndlscrimlnating and all embracing neutrality, and the president admonished the people that they must . be neutral In all respects ln act and wbrd find thought and sentiment We were to be not merely neutral as to the quarrels of Europe, but neutral as to . the treatment of Belgium, neutral between right and wrong, neutral between Justice and Injustice, neutral between humanity and cruelty, neutral between liberty and oppression. Our government did more than acquiesce for ln the first Lusitania note, with the unspeakable horrors of the conquest of Belgium still fresh to our minds, on the very day after the report of the Bryce commission on Belgian atroci ties, it wrote these words to the gov ernment of Germany : Recalling the humane and enlightened attitude hitherto assumed^ by the Imperial j i learned to recognise the r.erman »•!-»* ' and the German Influence In the flehl of 1 inten>at.onai oU!.;;atlon jr. always enc • <-.r . upon the aide of lustice and humanity, etc | , And so the government of the United I States appeared as approving the treat j ment of Belgium, it misrepresented the people of the United States to that j , acquiescence and apparent approval 1 was not necessary that the United I , States should go to war to defense | ' of the violated law. A single officii! 1 expression by the government of the I 1 States, a single sentence deny ' assent and recording disapproval 1 of what Germany did ln Belgium. 1 would have given to the people of 1 America that leadership to which they ' were entitled ln their earnest groping 1 for the light It would have ranged 1 American leadership the con < science and morality of the neutral 1 world. ) It was not to be. The America u < government failed to rise to the de < mands of the great occasion. Gone I the old love of justice, the oh! ] passion for liberty, the old sympathy < ror liberty, the old

with the oppressed, the old Ideals of t an America helping the world toward ] a better future, and there remained ln 1 the eyes of mankind only solicitude for 1 trade and profit and prosperity. c Shrank From th« Truth. 1 The American government could not * really have approved the treatment «> t Belgium, but under a mistaken poller I t it shrank from speaking the truth. t Such policies as I have described are I doubly dangerous in their effect upon foreign nations and in their effect at I home. It Is a matfe- of universal cv ' n perieuce that a weak and apprehensive j o treatment of foreign affaire Invites en | p croachments upon rights and leads tu j sltnations In which it is difficult to v j prevent war, while a firm and frank I c I policy at the outset prevents difficult I o j sltnations from arising and tends most ( t strongly to preserv<^ peace. On the | t! other band, if a goreroment is to U- tl I strong in Its diplomacy its own poo | pie most be ranged in Its support b\ p j leadership of opinion to a national tl | cause worthy to awaken thelr-jintri n otisni and devotion. ( n I We have not been followiugtthe path ti at peace. We have been bllnifiy stum- d 1 bltog along the road that continued ti ! will lead to inevitable war. n j When our government failed to tell j the truth about Belgium it lost the n opportunity for leadership of the moral n | of the American people and It fi lost the power which a knowledge of p I that leadership nnd a sympathetic re- ti I from the moral sense of the 1) wurld would have given to our diploma- ti ty. When our government failed to A

S ioT worf^which0 ; been potent M sustained hy adequate ; preparation to make them good sad to? the prestige and authority <rf the moral i leadership of a great people in a greet j cause, were treated with a contempt {Which should bare I ec:i foreseen, and I when our government failed to mate those words good Its diplomacy was , ' ( bankrupt. Upon the record of i>erformance i which I have tried to describe trill (he American people say that ,tbe Demo- ! era tic party is entitled tu be continued jta power? The defects of the present administration arise from two distinct causes. The first Is the temperament and training of the president. The second is the Incapacity of the Democratic party as it is represented in Washington both to the legislative and to the executive departments either to originate wise policies or to follow them when proposed by others or to administer Urnm effectively if they are established. The Democrats ln congress are nevfcr contfofaed except with a club, and government with a club is always spas- < modlc and defective. Vte must not deceive ourselves by assuming that the critical period arising from the great war has p&ss&l. The real dangers and the real testa mt the strength of our institutions 116° Before us. The most exacting demands upon the wisdom, the spirit and the courage of our country are still to be made. In this great conflict all forms of government are on trial, democracy •with the rest The principles of national morality arq on trial. We must play our part In the universal rrl»t whether ws will or no, for upon the result depends directly the question whether our republic can endure. What Are People to Expootf But what are the people to expect If the Republican party is restored to - power? This much we can say now: They may expert, with confidence, that their government will meet the, economic situation with which we must deal Immediately upon tM rinse of the wsr, wltb a policy 6f moderate hot adequate protection to American industry. .^.2 7- J They may expect that the gtyarnment will be administered with the honesty and efficiency which have marked Republican admin Mirations to the past They may expect that the beet possible course for the preservation of peace will be followed by a foreign policy which, with courtesy and friendliness to all nations. Is frank and fearleas and honest ln Its assertion of American rights. They may expect that their government will stand for full and adequate preparation by the American people for their own defense. The Republican^ j party loves peace and bates war1; It1 abhors and will never submit to mllij tary domination; but it is composed of , men who love our country and who deem that the Independence, the liberty. the honor and the opportunity of1 the American democracy are not mereto be talked about with weak and' ■ j flabby sentiment but are to be mainj tolned and safeguarded by the prac- ! deal power of a virile and patriotic ! people. It is clearsighted enough to see that preparation for defense must, { hare due relation to the possibilities of attack: that nnder the conditions of j modern warfare much preparation must be made before a possible attack or all preparation will be impossible after the attack. The Republican party stands for a citizenship tnnde competent by training to perform the freeman's duty of defense for bis country. stands f'<r a regular army do larger than Is necessary, but as large as is to Berve as a first line, a nucleus, a soure» of Instruction and of administration for the army of American citizens who may be called upon to defend their country. And the Republican party stands for the gospel of patriotic service to our country by

citizen. aecordi"g to bi < ability peace and in vnr It stands for a reawakening ef American patriotism. is not content that while the people of other lands are rendering the last measure of devotion In sacrifice and suffering and dying for their countries America shall remain alone dull ! the call of country and satisfied In j the comforts ami pleasures of prosj parity. Our Power For Peace. I They may expect that assured read). ness for defense will eive power to ; our diplomacy ln the maintenance of I They may ex|>ect that the power and will of n united people to defend their I country will prevent the application to peaceful and prosperous land of [ hateful doctrine that among na- | Hons might makes right regardless of the rules of justice. and humanity, j They may espect that the manifest potential strength and competency of the natiou will maintain the effectiveand reality of that great policy of national safety which in the declaraof Fresidient Monroe forbade the of our security By the establishment of hostile military powers in our neighborhood. They may expect that their government will not forget, but will ever maintain, the principles of American freedom, the duties of America to the peace and progress of the world an* those Ideals of liberty and justice far sQ mankind which above all else raaka true greatness of the Americas gsznocracj, .